The following letters I have just found among your Mother's papers, by they had been carefully preserved. They were written from Agra to give our Family at home information regarding the Mutiny on its first outbreak and during the following months before I left to join Lord Canning at Allahabad. We had Five of our children with us in the Fort; so the correspondence will be specially interesting to them and also to the Family circle at large; probably also to friends outside. The msss. are in a few cases incomplete.
          To the above is added a second series of letters, which I wrote to your Mother after reaching Allahabad in February and March 1858. Many of the series are wanting and imperfect; but what I have quoted from those that remain will, I trust, be of family interest, as well as give an idea of the state of things around us at the time.
          Charley and Bessy were taken up from Agra to Mussoorie, I think, in March; the former to Mr. Maddock's school, the latter to Aunt Mary's. Katey with both the twins were to have been kept at Allahabad during the summer; but Chotey (Agnes) fell sick in March, and your Mother accordingly, escorted by W. Lowe, took her up to Mrs. Wemyss at Mussoorie in the middle of March; and at the end of the month left Agra to join me at Allahabad with Katey and Thomaie (Thomason).

          It was the beginning of February when I left Agra for Allahabad at the call of Lord canning, to take charge under his orders of the recovering Administration of the N. W. Provinces. On first arrival I lived for a short time in the Governor-General's camp in the Fort, but afterwards in tents in the Civil Station, chiefly with my friend Cudbert Thornhill. The houses throughout the Station has all been burned down by the Mutineers, excepting one or two of solid masonry. But by and by I got one repaired, in which, eventually, we lived comfortably enough. It was there that Willy and Carry joined us. W. Lowe was also with us.
          As an Appendix I have added a few other papers of interest taken from the records which I have preserved of the Intelligence Department. These records are in the hands of William Coldstream, who is preparing the more important of them to be printed in separate form.
 

My beloved Mother,—I write to you a general account of the proceedings of the last week. It is intended also for all the branches of the family, including the dear children.
          The week has been one of perturbation, if not of real danger; and the barbarities which have been enacted in it make the blood run cold. But I must begin at the beginning.
          It has long been known that our Native army—the Sepoys especially of the Regular line—was in an alienated state of mind, discontented and suspicious. This feeling, as you know, should itself at Barrackpore and elsewhere in the refusal to use cartridges believed by Sepoys to be made up with objectionable stuff that would affect their caste. It has been doubted whether this was felt to be a real grievance, and not a mere blind to cover other objects or causes of discontent. I see no reason to doubt that it was felt to be a real grievance, and that the Government should have quietly and discreetly given in. The Sepoys are children. It was no use reasoning with them to show that there was nothing harmful of caste on the cartridges. They had made up their minds, and would not be persuaded.
          The feeling spread abroad. At Lucknow one regiment mutinied, and was disbanded by Sir Henry Lawrence. At Meerut the 3rd cavalry refused the cartridges, and a large number were put under arrest. About nine or ten days ago the orders arrived from headquarters at Meerut, sentencing eighty of that corps to imprisonment on the jail here. They heard their sentence with emotion on Saturday the 9th. On Sunday a general mutiny seems to have been resolved on (at Meerut). While the European troops were at church for the afternoon service (the 10th), the cavalry and Native regiments issued forth, killing their Officers, and all Europeans (even women and children) whom they met, and firing the bungalows. The European troops were not long in bringing the Mutineers to account, and repressing their attack. But the confusion and alarn---what with burning bungalows, and riotous bands of plundered and Sepoys—must have been fearful. The Mutineers were at last expelled  the Station.
          The cavalry made off with their horses, and a large party probably took the earliest opportunity of getting away for they were at Dehli (about forty miles off) by 8 or 9 next morning (Monday).  [The "Dehli extra" says Tuesday, but wrongly.]
          On reaching Dehli, our cavalry mutineers demanded admittance at the gate of the Fort by twos and threes. They got inside on pretence of wishing to see the commandant, Captain Douglass. He was in his rooms over the gateway, which John, no doubt, will remember. When he came down, he was killed by a pistol shot. They then went upstairs. With poor Douglass, the Rev. Mr. Jennings and his daughter were living, and they were all at breakfast about 9 a.m. Miss Clifford, sister of a young Assistant at Goorgaon, (who had left the party only two hours before) and Fraser, the Commissioner, were also there, with one or tow others. It is not certain wheter Charles Thomason, lately engaged to Miss Jennings, was there or not. The Mutineers broke in, and killed them all. After possessing themselves of the Fort, they set to kill every European in the city. All the Civilians were slaughtered. Poor Lebas (who had only lately arrived at the grand object of his life, to be Judge of Dehli);[1]  Hutchinson, the magistrate; young Sir T. Metcalfe, the Junior Magistrate; Galloway, the Assistant; Chimmun Loll, the Christian Sub-Assistant-Surgeon; and our dear friend Dr. Balfour. They gained over the two native regiments and artillery. A few officers effected their escape to Meerut, and to the Raja of Bullubgurh. The rest were murdered, and the insurgents left alone at Delhi. This was probably all done by Monday afternoon.
          Now for the effects of these proceedings on the country.
          A telegraphic message reached us on Sunday night saying that the 3rd Cavalry had mutinied, and were killing their Officers and burning bungalows. So little excitement, however, did this produce, that I myself did not hear of it till Tuesday morning. On Monday the Sunday's dark of Meerut and Delhi reached this, I believe,---but am not quite sure. However, from that time, at any rate, our communication with both Stations ceased: neither dak nor telegraph was open. We were left to bare conjecture, aided by the darkest and most fearful rumours. Things went on this till Thursday morning, when we were relieved by an express from Meerut assuring us, at anyrate, that our European force was safe.
 Meanwhile, in the absence of all information from Monday till Thursday, rumour represented that the insurgents, having taken Dehli, were marching down on Agra. Mr Ford, Magistrate of Goorgaon, about thirty miles on this side Dehli, held his ground for some days; but sent us accounts of marauding parties prowling over his district. On Tuesday Mr. Colvin, putting all his information together, came to the conclusion that a movement was intended in this direction. Our difficulty was now regarding our two Native corps. Were they to be trusted? Providentially we have a European artillery here, or it is impossible to say what the Native corps would not show any overt acts of mutiny, but that they would not actually fight for us in case of emergency.
          In this difficulty we has a council of war, and Mr. Colvin—who has throughout maintained an admirably firm front, and taken on himself the responsibility of all movements—announced his resolution of sending all families into the Fort the next day, and moving out to Secundra with the troops, to give battle to the insurgents. There certainly was not evidence that insurgents were on the march upon us; but supposing it possible they might have been (and with no tidings from Dehli itself, either along the right or the left bank of the Jumna, such a movement was possible), no doubt the plan laid down by Mr. Colvin was the only thing we had left to do. In order to test the feeling of the Native troops, and give them security on the cartridge question, a parade of the troops was ordered for Thursday morning (14th), when Mr. Colvin addressed each regiment separately. Almost all the Civilians accompanied him. He gave his word to the Sepoys that the cartridges would not be forced on them, and asked them if they were satisfied. There was no dissent, and an occasional assenting response; and as we left there was cheering.
          That night, as I said, had brought us better news. We knew that our European troops were safe. A flying telegraph-machine had been sent to Allygurh, which (not a repeating station before) was thus placed in immediate communication with us. The Magistrate there (W. C. Watson, who has done admirably) and the Magistrate of Bolundshuhur, Mr. B, Sapte, ably seconded by John's old friend Turnbull (who had just been appointed from that station Judge of Cawnpore), kept open the communication, and assured us that all was quiet up to Haurper. From Hauper westward, however, the wild Goojur zemindars were taking advantages of the emergency to recur to their ancient habits of plunder and violence; and it was they apparently who had broken the telegraphic wire and destroyed all our postal arrangements, carrying off the horses, etc.
          On the Thursday there was a panic. Muttra was in excitement, and it was doubtful whether we could hold our ground there. More rumours came in of an advance from the Goorgaon quarter. The Allygurh telegraph gave no replay from Mr. Watson. Parties might be coming down either bank to try here the same game they had so successfully played at Dehli. Mr. Colvin was so weighted down by these ideas that he directed all families to retire into the Fort, and a general patrol to be kept up at night by the Civilians. Drummond, our Magistrates(an admirable, cool, intelligent fellow), persuaded Mr. Colvin that there was no immediate danger, and did not get the counter order till I had deposited the whole family in the Fort. John will know what a place it is for stifling heat, and what a night dear Bessy and the five little ones must have passed there. The Thornhills(he is Acting Secretary to Government) have been with us since the tumult broke out; and another dear friend, Mr. Lowe, Secretary to the Board. Mrs. Thornhill was with Bessy in the Fort all night. The rest of us met together at Candaharee-bagh, and relieved each other patrolling the roads. Early in the morning I went to the Fort, and brought away the party, half dead with heat and thirst.
          We had better news that morning, but I did not hear of it till midday; and in the meanwhile felt very low. It was the worst time to me. The telegraph had apparently ceased working at Allygurh, implying that things had gone wrong there, and that we had no certainty that a movement might not be in progress, on either bank, upon Agra. The only solution, it seemed to me, would be to secure the families in the Fort more comfortably, and be prepared for surprise and the field.
          From that time things have brightened up. The stoppage of the telegraph with Allygruh was only accidental. Bhurtpore sent us horse (1400 were promised) to guard Muttra. Major M'Pherson sent ys over a portion of the Gwalior contingent with guns, now encamped near Government House. Scinda has promised half his Body-guard. Telegraphic communication was reopened with Meerut on Friday evening. An Advance on Dehli has been organised from Unballah and Meerut. But when it will take place we do not know. Proclamations, which Bessy will enclose [printed papers] (and all of which I have had the task of translating), have been issued, and general confidence is gradually replacing the terror of last week.
          As yet the news from outstations id good. Bareilly was in great for two or three days. But the last accounts from Alexander (Commissioner) were that it was quiet, and it was hoped the crisis was over. Moradabad was also excited, but Saunders, the Magistrate, an able man, is keeping things quiet, and the 29th Native Infantry is thought to be satisfactory. H. Wilson has gone over to Rampore, to raise irregular horse.
          For two things we cannot be sufficiently grateful to Providence.
          First, that this calamity did not overtake us when our hands were full with external war. The crisis, gave as it is, would in that case have been fearfully critical.
          Secondly, that the country keeps quiet and contented. The character of the affair is that of a military mutiny,---a struggle between the Government and the people. After such a stroke at Dehli, the prescriptive capital of India, it is astonishing that there is so little excitement and rising throughout the country. The general conclusion is that there is something radically wrong in the constitution or management of the Native army, while the Civil Administration is shown to be at least not unpopular and unsuccessful.  And in this state of the Sepoys' feeling, conceive a place like Dehli being left with only Native troops! I conclude one of the first effects of the movement will be to lead to the dispatch of strong reinforcements of European troops. What trust can we henceforth place in our Native troops unsupported by European ones? It will, at any rate, take many a long year to eradicate the feeling of mistrust of their allegiance, not only in our own minds, but in those of the native Rajas and Chieftains; and we shall not be able to lean on our Sepoys without weakening ourselves in their estimation.
          It is said that the insurgents have places the son f the old King(who himself declined to join them)---on the throne, and have issued calls of allegiance in his name. It is not to be expected that the excitement throughout the country will subside until Dehli has been reclaimed by us. We are waiting patiently for this. They are strong in European troops at Meerut, and there is a feeling that more night have been done by them. But after all it may be best that the advance should be made simultaneously from Umballah and Meerut.
          Let any of my old friends who wish, see this. I have told Cautley, if he wishes, to ask for it. It is quite possible that, in the confusion of the period, there may be no connected account of the incidents procurable.
          By the way, our immense Central Jail here has been a cause of additional anxiety to us. We have nearly 4000 criminals there—some of them the most desperate characters in the provinces. They, of course, got excited when they heard what was going on, and then rumours of a rescue. This added very considerably to the unsettled feeling in the town; and as our house is, as John will tell you, close at the gate of the jail, we had our full share of the feeling. It was feared that the mutinous Sepoys might tamper with the jail Guard. Late events will no doubt lead to a complete reconsideration of the system of Central jails on this large scale, which certainly contain elements of danger in them.
          James Fairlie, I conclude, all is well, though I have not heard from him, It is unfortunate his belonging to that regiment.
          I do not know yet how far these proceedings will affect the question of carry's coming out. It is premature to say anything on this point.
          There has been hardly an exception to the finest and bravest devotion displayed by all the Civilians, both in Agra and elsewhere.
          Poor young Clifford, whom I mentioned in the beginning of this letter as leaving from Dehli an hour or two before the massacre, was obligated to fall back on Muttra with Ford, and came over here for a day or two. His aunt, Mrs. Clifford (mother of the poor lad killed here some years ago, whose deathbed I attended), is here too. Poor Clifford is sadly cut up at his sister's murder, as you may imagine. The Khidmutgar fled to Goorgaon, and told him all the particulars of the tragedy at breakfast over the Fort gate.
          Amid all these distresses we have, I trust, had our hearts stayed upon the consolation that "the Lord reigneth"; the same God who is our Father reconciled to us in His dear Son; and in Him we seek to confide. May He bless and keep you all. Love to all, including the Irvine and London houses, Mr. Harvey and Mr. M'Laren. I had a letter from dear Helen, which I ought to have answered.—Your ever dutifully loving son,   W. Muir.

I am too much occupied with the events of the day to reply in quiet to Agnes' kind letter. But I can answer generally at once, that I could not possibly think of accepting the kind and thoughtful proposition made in it. Please God to spare us, I have all and abound as regards worldly means, so that I could not consent to what you propose.—Your affectionate son,

[*] This letter derives from Sir William Muir's Agra Correspondence during the Mutiny (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 38 George Street, 1898), 5-16.

[1] Author's note: "As we afterwards learned, he escaped, as well as Metcalfe and Balfour."
 

My Dear John,—My last letter brought down the proceedings of this eventful month to the 20th ult., I think. Since then we have had another weary fortnight chequered with various incident, but, upon the whole, with less of reverse than might have been looked for from the extending defection of our Native troops, and the continued occupation of Dehli by the Rebels.
          The day after I wrote, the headquarters of the 9th Native Infantry stationed at Allygurh finding the temptation of the Treasury, and the overtures from Dehli, too strong for them, mutinied, plundered the treasure, and made off for Dehli. All our officers escaped and retired to Hatrass, about thirty miles from this. This misfortune again cut off our communication with Meerut, either by post, telegraph, or messenger.
          The other portions of the 9th Native Infantry were posted at Mynpoory and Etawah. No sooner did the emissaries of the headquaters from Allygurh reach Mynpoory than a mutiny took place there also. This, I think, was on the 22nd, a day or two after the affair at Allygurh Your friend John Power has behaved nobly there. He is the Magistrate and Collector. So did a young officer, a German, named Be Kantzow, who stayed with the Mutineers at the peril of his life, and was os well supported by half a dozen staunch Sepoys that the treasure and jail were kept secure. By this intrepid and gallant conduct,—although pressed to the verge of defeat and obliged to entrench themselves in the Cucherry,—Mynpoory was prevented from falling into hopeless anarchy, and our communication with Calcutta by dak and telegraph was preserved.
          Thus far Mr. Colvin got (the progress of events detailed) in his despatch to the E.I. Court by last mail, which Cud. Thirnhill and I were engaged on the 23rd in copying for him. I could have written to you on that day along with the Government despatch for which the Steamer was telegraphed to wait, but I had little heart to do so.
          As was to be expected, the other detachment at Ethwah followed in the same manner. Hume, the magistrate, was able to retire across the Jumna with the inhabitants; but the Station was plundered and the Treasury robbed.
          While our communications with Meerut were closed, Bolundshuhur also fell, and its treasure was carried off to Dehli, but under what circumstances I am not fully cognisant. It has since been regained, and is occupied by Goorkha troops. The impression here is that the Meerut force has not been sufficiently active; so large a body of European troops to remain so long on the defensive under such circumstances is unintelligible. Rohtuck has been also plundered from Dehli. Tidings have been received of the mutiny of the Regiments at Nusserabad, but without details, It is hoped that the Treasury at Ajmere may have escaped. The Mozuffernugger Treasury also went; but in consequence of the attack, I believe, of robbers and not of Mutineers.
          Thus you will see that these treacherous Sepoys have gained immense booty. From three to seven lacs of rupees were in the several Treasuries.
          Our last reverse has been at Muttra. On Saturday last the 30th, a company of the 44th Native Infantry from this went to relieve the Company of the 67th, which has been hitherto in charge of the Treasury there, and which it was intended should bring in here a portion of the accumulating treasure. Both Companies united (notwithstanding there had been a bad understanding between the two regiments before), attacked their Officers, shooting one, plundered the treasure, and went off towards Dehli. The Officers and Civilians (Dashwood and young Colvin) went off on horseback to mark Thornhill, the Magistrate, who was at Cosee, some twenty or thirty miles on the Dehli road.
          Tidings of this event (which occurred about 4 p.m.) reached Agra about 11 at night. Mr. Colvin finding that Companies of both the Native regiments here had thus committed such enormities, promptly determined that no confidence could be place in them, and that to appear to show confidence would be weakness; it was therefore at once resolved to disarm the two regiments next morning, leaving them, however, still organised corps, but for the present unarmed with guns.
          This determination was communicated to the inhabitants at once. I was awoke from sleep at 1:30 a.m. on Sunday the 31st, and went round to warn the people at our end, to be at their various rendezvous incase of disturbance.[1]  The disarming was accomplished on the parade quietly. The Company on duty near the jail made some demur, which we saw from our position at the top of Boldero's Hill (you remember the eminence at the corner near our gate), whither we had all removed for safety, and ran off with their arms,—but eventually all laid down their arms quietly. A great number of the men, especially of the 44th, have since slunk away, and many of the 67th (supposed to be better affected) have taken leave to their homes. This measure was a critical one; it has anticipated a possible real danger from a portion of these Regiments, and it has, I believe, given satisfaction and, in some measure, restored confidence to the better disposed part of the population.
          A further untoward event has occurred in the train of the Muttra mutiny. The Bhurtpore and Ulwar forces were at Hodul (a little north of the Muttra frontier and in the Goorgaon district), with Harvey the Commissioner, Captin Nixon of the Bhurtpore Residency, and other European officers. This force was intended to co-operate with the Commander-in-Chief's force and check fugitives from Dehli. But the Muttra mutineers with their treasure marched right up in this direction. Mark Thornhill, the Magistrate of Muttra, was at Cosee, some eight miles on this side Hodul, with a small body of Bhurtpore horse. When the Mutineers appeared with the treasure, the Bhurtpore horse would seem to have fraternised with them; and Thornhill made off to the force at Cosee on the 31st. By Midday the Mutineers had come up, and the whole force was a mass of confusion. Mark Thornhill fled back towards Muttra, and got in here yesterday. It is not quite clear from his statement what the Bhurtpore horse intended to do, but his accounts imply that the Ulwar troops had fraternised with the Mutineers, and that the Bhurtpore men would not act against them.
          Meanwhile every Cantonment throughout the country has been severely agitated. Where there have been no European troops, the trial has been one of the most delicate and critical nature that can be imagined. The wonder is that such stations as Cawnpore, Moradabad, Allahabad, Benares, Azimgurh, etc., have stood at all. Here it was simply the presence of our 600 Europeans and European artillery that enable us to do what was done,—otherwise we were entirely at the mercy of the Sepoys.
          At Lucknow matters are in a critical state. Sir Henry Lawrence is acting admirably. But he weakened himself by sending over a portion of his European regiment to Cawnpore. European troops are, however, coming up to Cawnpore by the dak carriages in forty or so per day; so that the position in that quarter should be strengthening.
          But everywhere the fact of Dehli still being in the Rebels' hands is an element of strong insecurity and incediarism. It is in the very nature of the Mahometan faith to seize on such an incident as a religious principle, impelling the more devoted or fanatical to an attempt for re-establishing the ascendancy of Islam. Everywhere, therefore, the cry has been for the Commander-in-Chief to retake Dehli.
          Our communications on the Meerut side have lately been reopened for the Post (the Electric wire is cut and mangled for miles) by the admirable exertions of a band of volunteers from Agra, headed by Cocks and Lieuentant Greathed of the Engineers. They found no opposition, and were welcomed by the people both of Hatrass and Allygurh. Indeed every incident tends to show that this is no controversy between the People and the Government (excepting in so far as the Mahometan religious feeling above referred to is called forth by the occasion, and in so far as the present weakness of Government has encouraged the wild and pillaging part of the population to rise against authority), but simply between the Government and its Native soldiery.
          Our position has been greatly complicated by the cutting off of our communications with Meerut and the Commander-in-Chief, by the Mutiny at Allygurh. It was only on the 31st that Mr. Colvin got the Commander-in Chief's letter of the 16th May! But now that Allygurh is clear we may hope for better communications. Last night brought a letter from Commander-inChief at Kurnal, dated the 23rd, explaining his arrangements, and saying he would be before Dehli by the 8th. The delay has occurred in the consequence of the siege train, etc., having been lost with the magazine of Dehli, and the necessity of getting heavy artillery from Phillore, near Ferozepore. It is a good deal canvassed whether this delay was warranted, and wheter an immediate attack with the available field-batteries should not have been made. On the one hand, Dehli's walls are notoriously weak, and no resistance would probably have been made; while every day's delay to retake Dehli involves an increasingly serious imperial risk, and the defection of Native troops. On the other hand, any check at Dehli would have been worse than delay, and been next to fatal.
          Simultaneously with the above despatch came news of the death of the Commander-in-Chief,[2] of cholera, on the 27th, at Kurnal. This event is startling, and at the juncture, very remarkable; but it will not, I conclude, have any effect in keeping back our movements.
          To-day brings tidings of the first actual  success which we have met with. The European troops at Meerut moved over to Ghazeeoddeen-nugger,—a Tehseeldaree on this side the Hindun, some ten miles from Dehli. The Rebels came out,—whether with the view of escaping elsewhere or not we do not yet know. They were attacked by our troops, and thoroughly discomfited, their artillery being taken.
          Accounts of the Nusserabad defection have since come in, and show that the whole force, artillery and all, has seceded from its Officers (excepting a Bombay cavalry regiment), and left with the intention of going to Dehli.
          Amid all these events Agra holds a very marked and distinguished position. Between us and Dehli is anarchy and confusion; between us and Meeerut is the same, but being gradually reclaimed by our Agra Volunteers at Allygurh, and by the Goorkhas at Bolundshur. The defection of the 9th has thrown the Dooab to the North of us into the same state of wild disorder. If we had had police Battalions, as proposed by Lord Ellenborough, we might have had a force to fall back upon when our Sepoys failed us. But we had nothing; our Police had been cut down to the smallest amount, and were scattered in bodies of ten and fifteen men at the several Thannahs. When the Sepoys went off, and the turbulent and predatorily-inclined saw that we had no reserved force to back our orders with, they burst forth into all manners of excess; and one's heart bleeds for the cruel injuries to which the poor defenceless villages—unaccustomed for fifty years to anything but profound peace—have been exposed. The authority of Government, wherever the Sepoys revolted and our Officers were forced to abandon the stations, thus slipped through our hands; and the country, overrun by banditti, was in a flame.
          Meanwhile, there is no prospect of material improvement, while there are serious risks at every point throughout the country, till Dehli is retaken. It is wonderful that Rohilkhund and all below this has kept so quiet. If Agra had failed, I do believe all from here to Calcutta would have gone. The surge of insurrection beats as it were all the way from Dehli to this unopposed; but here it is met and repelled by a hitherto steady and immovable barrier. God grant we may hold on and weather the storm.
          You may imagine it has been a time of acute domestic anxiety. After the Allygurh defection, I had resolved to send Bessy and the children to Calcutta, and had actually got the Dak carriages here. After consulting with Mr. Colvin and others, I abandoned the idea,—partly because the example would have been bad, and might have led to want of confidence,—partly because of the risks of the way. 
          I think of sending this off at once: but I hope to give you further accounts, please God, before the mail leaves, as I have also to write about Willy, who, I think, should go to Addiscombe, unless he gets a Cavalry nomination.---Your affectionate brother,

[*] This letter derives from Sir William Muir's Agra Correspondence during the Mutiny (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 38 George Street, 1898), 17-26.

[1] Author's note: "Dr. Farquhar and I went together on this occasion; and it was interesting to observe the various effect of the news on different people; in one house the husband was craven and the wife most bold. We had to warn the Roman Catholic ladies in their Convent."

[2] Author's note: "General George Anson."
 

My Dear John,—I  Send a few of our Intelligence slips. Your may imagine this has been a week of tolerable excitement. Dehli has fallen—the thundercloud  has burst (alas for the loss! It cost us above 1000 men), and the horizon begins to clear all around. We are in hourly expectation of hearing that Lucknow has been relieved. I do trust it will not now abandoned. The instructions are I believe, that when the garrison is withdrawn, the City is to be relinquished. The orders to that effect must have been given some time ago, when things were looking blacker. Now, I cannot see that the retention of a garrison there, after the Oudh Mutineers have been fairly discomfited, would dangerously weaken our filed force. While, if it be given up, the City will be immediately reoccupied by the Mutinners, and from the focus of rebellion, with a new king for its head.
          I am kept very busy now. I maintain daily correspondence with Dehli and Cawnpore by Cossid, besides attending to the local Intelligence as to the Movements of the Mutineers all around us.
          The fall of Dehli has struck terror into the hearts of them all. The fugitives at Muttra from Dehli have hastily constructed a bridge, and hope to effect their fight to Rohikhund and Oudh before the pursuing Column reaches. That Column would have already been down upon them, but it has been detained two or three days by having to attack malagurh near Bolundshuhr, where the rebel Nawab Wuleedad Khan has so long been troubling us, and interrupting our communications with Meerut. The native report of an action near Bolundshuhur has just come in, stating that we completely defeated the nawab backed by the Jhansi brigade, on the 28th, taking five Field guns—all they had. Wuleedad Khan had fled.
          The Indore Mutineers left Dholepore, it is thought, last night, on their way to join the Muttra host, and are now only eighteen or twenty miles from us. They pass through Futtehpur Sicri.
          The Gwalior Mutineers have been long held in check by Scindia. They are now supposed to be about to move towards Cawpore to retrieve the ruined fortunes of the Nana. There is now no force of the enemy in the field which can humanly speaking, stand before a British column for a day. The difficulty now lies in the number of the opposing parties in various quarters. They will no doubt soon collect towards Bareilly, where there will likely be a decisive action. There will also probably be a tedious campaign in Bundlekund, from the number of Forts and independent Thakoors, etc., who have been seeking to make hay while they thought the sun was shinning. I trust that the Dooab will be cleared within a fortnight. But it is doubtful when a column will be able to advance into Rohikhund. I have no fear for the country speedily settling down as soon as these Mutineers are out of the way. The Mahometans have lost all excuse for opposition of religious grounds, as their King is gone.
          Colonel Frase has been appointed, temporarily, Chief Commissioner here. It is, I suppose, on the ground that it was advisable there should e a combination of military and civil authority at this juncture in the hands of one person. I fear out last mail from home has been quite lost. We got some papers, but no letters. Kindly as Smith & Elder to send copies of my book to Mons. Garcin de Tassy; the Paris Asiatic Society; the German do; Jeremy and Johnson; the Duchess of Gordon; Mrs. Millar; also by the book post, neatly but not expensively bound, to Lord canning; Dr. Duff; Bishop of Calcutta; Bishop of madras; and Dr. Wilson of Bombay. Also take such copies as you want for yourself, Agnes, etc., and one for my Mother, one for my Aunts, one for Mr. Rankin, one for Helen, and one for Mr. Harvey, one for my Uncle. Ford love to all the children. All well here. But Charlie had an attack like cholera yesterday, which made us greatly anxious for a few hours. He is all right now.—Your affectionate brother,

[*] This letter derives from Sir William Muir's Agra Correspondence during the Mutiny (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 38 George Street, 1898), 38-41.
 

My dear John,—The enclosed printed slips of official intelligence will put you in possession of all the news. So I need not recapitulate. We are all in capital health. And the sight of the moveable column, after being cut off from the world for three or four months, was like new life to us. It was like the arrival of the man Friday to the solitary Islander. And, as you will see, they were not an hour too soon. For two days previously we had been sending the most urgent summonses to Greathed to hurry on, and at the last they did hurry most nobly. Greathed, in his official report of the action of the 10th, says, "the cavalry and artillery over at least sixty-four miles, and the infantry fifty-four miles of road in less than thirty-six hours. Captain bourchier's 9-pounder battery had marched in during the night from Hatrass, thirty miles, without a halt." And an hour or two after they were all under arms again, and pursuing the Indore eighteen miles. Splendid fellows they are, those Sikhs and Europeans. It was so odd to see Native soldiers about one again, and Native Sirdars. The fist feeling was to shrink for them as deadly enemies, but it was only a passing feeling called up by the memory of the enormities of our mutinous Bengal army. The open, smiling countenances of the Sikhs and Punjabies at once dispelled all ideas. They are noble fellows.
          The surprise was an odd event on the 10th. The Military authorities had ample warning from the Intelligence Department; indeed, otherwise, Greathed's column would not have been in to take part in the business at all. On the preceding day a reconnoitiring party had, at my recommendation, gone out to the Kharee to see what the enemy were doing. Our party was fired on, and pursued back again close to Agra. Why after this, Military precautions were not taken to prevent a surprise, I do not know.
          The battlefield was a miserable sight. It was the first fresh battlefield I had seen. The dead bodies of the enemy were left on the ground, and they were in such numbers within two or three hundred yards of the burial ground, that in a couple of days the place could hardly be visited for the stench.
          Now that the Indore people are dispersed, that only local danger we have is from the Gwalior Contingent. The rumor is that it marches to-day, via Jhansi, towards Cawnpore. But one can never be certain that they won't come this way until they have actually left. Colonel Greathed's column will, however, be within the next few days.
          If the Gwalior people move away, then, I believe, the whole of this part of the country will settle down. Reasonable Mussulmans, who have not already comprised themselves irretrievably, see that there is no chance of eventual success for the establishment of Islam, and they can conscientiously quiet down under our rule. The most remarkable proof of the people being not opposed to us is to be found in Muttra and Bindrabun, with their nearly 100,000 inhabitants. Our native officers, under charge of Imdad Ally, Deputy Collector and Deputy Magistrate, have regularly maintained authority there whenever not driven out by the enemy in strength. Over and over they have retired when the Mutinous forces occupied the place, and as often returned to rule over a willing and obedient people. The last time, a few days ago, the fugitives from the Indore force arrived in considerable numbers at Muttra; some penetrated  the tow, attacked the police, and demanded supplies. The Deputy Collector, aided by the inhaditants, repulsed these men; musketry was fired by both parties for a couple of hours, and at length the whole party of Mutineers were obliged to retreat. Both at Bhurtpore and Dholepore, the Officers of those States have pursued the fugitives, killing some. All these facts are encouraging, and show that when the Rebel forces have once lost prestige of victory and supposed supremacy, and break up into parties sufficiently small not to compel respect, the people are prepared to act offensively against them. In may places, however, it is not so, because the Mussulmans, while they though their cause had a fair chance of final success, have frequently compromised themselves by flagrantly traitorous acts. At Allygurh, for instance, the Mussulmans were for a considerable time dominant; they forcible converted many Hindoos; they defied our Government in the most insolent manner; all the ancient feelings of warring for the faith, reminding one of the days of the first Caliphs, were resuscitated. Few of the families who were otherwise strongly loyal to us, could resist this influence.
          I think I told you before that our little party under Cocks retook Allygurh and expelled the Naib Sooba, in August I think. We placed a Hindoo Talookdar, Gobind Sigh, as our Administrator in Coel, and (as our detachment could not remain so far off) fell back on Hatrass. This arrangement did admirably till, one day about three weeks ago, the Mussulmans of a fanatical village fell treacherously on Gobind Singh, and forced him to flee with all our Officers who were there. Since that time the rage and fanaticism of the Moslems at Allygurh has been poured forth against the unfortunate Hindoos. The Mussulman party soon were swept away, as you will see, by Greathed's column, and the place is now reoccupied by us. But from this brief narrative you will see that there are dangerous elements in that district, which loyalty could be subjected to; and that the utmost delicacy of treatment will be required in its resettlement. Dera and Seharunpore are quiet enough, and the country immediately about Meerut; but Mozuffernugger has been kept till lately in constant agitation by Mahometan fanatics, and Bolundshubur has been occupied by the rebel Wuleedad Khan at Malagurh. Advantage was thus taken of our weakness while every available soldier was drawn to Dehli, to work upon the feelings and religious convictions of the Mahometans, and to excite to violence all the rabble of our towns and villages, who were not slow in seizing the opportunity. But no sooner was Dehli fallen, then both Mzuffernugger and Bolundshuhur were speedily reduced to order. The Dehli division is also quieting down—of which there can be no stronger proof than that Mr. Saunders, in his last letter, said he had no news whatever to communicate. But the exiled population of Dehli city (the military authorities have not felt thenselves strong enough to allow of its reoccupation yet) must be hiding somewhere, and there are numerous Native chiefships, as Jhujjur, which have yet to be brought to their reckoning for the aid given by them to Dehli. In Rajpootana the only present cause of anxiety is the Joudpore legion which, at Awa, defied General Lawrence, and is still there. Rohikhund has not yet been attempted to be reclaimed. Khan Bahadur reigns at Bareilly, oppresses the Hindoos, and with his staff daily proceeds in Zeearut[1]  to salute the flag of Crusade planted in front of the Cotwalee. But, south-west of the Ganges, the Upper Dooab and the right bank of the Jumma may now be regarded as in a fair way of settlement. And if the Gwalior Contingent move eastward, the whole wave may be said to have passed below this.
          But eastward and northward there is a great work remaining yet. Havelock has relieved luck now, but, from the myriads of opposing hosts, is unable to return to Cawpore with the women and children. To swell those hosts the Dehli fugitives are rapidly on their way. The great fight will be in that quarter, and providentially our reinforcements are coming. Greathed's column is hurrying down to their aid. He has Cavalry and Horse artillery which will be great help to them. And from below, the European troops should soon be showing themselves. But I must stop. It has been a glorious struggle for Englishmen this. Old Asadoolla[2]  could not have spoken more strongly than you or I, of the courage of the little bands of foreigners, holding their ground every here and there, at the distance sometimes of two or three hundred miles from any other garrison, and in the end beating off their foes. God has been our Helper, and to Him be all the praise. There is still cause for anxiety eastward, but, on the whole, things are rapidly clearing, and the North-western districts and the Punjab are thoroughly relieved.
          We are having even a carriage post to Meerut. Towards Cawnpore we still send by Cossid only. Best love to all. Leters of August 2nd Mail reached. I will try and write soon to Willy.
                    Your affectionate brother,

[*] This letter derives from Sir William Muir's Agra Correspondence during the Mutiny (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 38 George Street, 1898), 41-47.

[1] Author's note: "Pilgrimage."

[2] Author's note: "A native Judge, a very special friend."